One year after Serbia’s brazen attempt to annex northern Kosovo in a Kremlin-inspired operation, the Western Balkans finds itself more unstable than ever. Serbia, emboldened by Western appeasement, has openly embraced the toxic influence of Russia, China, and Iran, dragging the region deeper into instability. As of September 24, 2024, Serbia now hosts a Russian PMC Wagner Recruitment Cultural Centre in Belgrade, facilitating the recruitment of young Serbs to fight alongside Russian forces in Ukraine—a country the West claims to support in its struggle against Russian aggression. This is not a rogue outpost; it’s a reflection of Serbia’s deepening alliance with the Kremlin, cultivated while Western powers continue to look the other way.
Serbia’s aggressive alignment with Moscow has escalated well beyond silent partnership. Belgrade’s policies now actively support Russia’s war machine through the purchase of Russian, Chinese, and Iranian weapons, while simultaneously allowing Russia to use Serbia as a hub for espionage in Europe. The infamous “Russian Humanitarian Centre” in Nis is widely recognised as a front for Moscow’s intelligence operations. Meanwhile, Serbia offers safe haven to Russian oligarchs, granting them citizenship and access to European markets despite international sanctions. At the same time, Serbian authorities have cracked down on Russian dissidents who fled Putin’s regime, making Serbia an ally of authoritarianism rather than a haven for those opposing the Kremlin.
Albin Kurti, Kosovo’s Prime Minister, addressed these developments in a wide-ranging interview with the Financial Times this week. “Kosovo plans to exercise full sovereignty over its own affairs and will resist Western pressure to compromise with former governing power Serbia,” Kurti declared, firmly stating that Kosovo’s policies were “not against the Serbs, but against Serbia’s illegal activities in Kosovo.” His tough stance has drawn criticism from Western powers, concerned that his actions could reignite tensions in the region and destabilise Europe, especially as it grapples with the fallout of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
Kosovo’s moves have been aimed at asserting its sovereignty and limiting Serbia’s influence over the 5% Serb minority in Kosovo. Kurti’s government has introduced measures like phasing out Serb-issued license plates and personal IDs, cracking down on smuggling, and banning the use of the Serbian dinar in Serb-majority areas, where the euro is the official currency. In a symbolic move challenging the ethnic division in northern Kosovo, Kurti has also pushed for reopening the bridge in Mitrovica, which has been closed since 2011 to prevent clashes between Serbs and Albanians. “We want a normal bridge,” Kurti said. “The only ones who enjoy a closed bridge are those who still dream of partitioning Kosova.”
Kosovo’s policies are being implemented in a context where Serbia is arming itself not just with weapons but with ideological support from Russia, China, and Iran. Vulin’s recent remarks in support of Russia—“Serbia will never join NATO or impose sanctions on Russia”—underscore the deepening ties between Belgrade and Moscow. Serbia has also signed strategic energy deals with Berlin and Washington and secured a €1bn military contract with France for 12 Rafale fighter jets, an astonishing move considering Serbia’s alignment with Putin. These jets, NATO technology, are now in the hands of Putin’s closest proxy in the Western Balkans.
Western countries, particularly the U.S., seem to have abandoned their moral high ground in their dealings with Serbia. Washington’s stance has shifted toward appeasement, a strategy that Kurti warned could have dire consequences. “Security in the region is a victim,” Kurti said in his interview, accusing Serbia of colluding with Moscow to undermine peace in the Balkans. While Russia blocks Kosovo’s attempts to gain membership in the United Nations, Serbia refuses to join Western sanctions against Moscow, ensuring its alignment with authoritarian regimes. “It is very important [for the] EU to be clear, firm, and prompt,” Kurti added, criticizing the West’s failure to hold Serbia accountable.
The EU and the U.S. have repeatedly called for a settlement between Belgrade and Pristina, urging Kurti to refrain from unilateral actions. But Kurti remains defiant, asserting that issues within Kosovo are a domestic matter and that “there are no security challenges that we cannot manage and control.” The prime minister’s strategy has centered on stripping Serbia of its remaining influence over Kosovo’s internal affairs, including closing Serbian-run post offices in northern Kosovo and disbanding local Serb councils elected outside Pristina’s purview. Kurti emphasised that these moves were essential to asserting Kosovo’s sovereignty.
However, Serbia’s aggressive stance has not been met with any serious consequences from the West. In fact, the U.S. has applied more pressure on Kosovo, the victim of aggression, than on Serbia, the instigator. Washington’s continued pressure on Pristina to de-escalate, even as Belgrade increases its military presence along the border, has left many wondering at the logic behind the U.S. policy. This approach not only undermines Kosovo’s sovereignty but also emboldens Serbia’s aggressive tactics. The U.S. State Department’s insistence that Kosovo withdraw its law enforcement from Serb-majority areas is alarmingly similar to Russia’s playbook in Crimea, where local forces were withdrawn to allow Kremlin-backed militias to assert control.
Kurti’s interview also touched on Serbia’s refusal to sign an international settlement that would guarantee Kosovo’s sovereignty. “The most severe security challenges in this century happened during my term,” Kurti said, noting that Serbia has continued to amass armed forces along the Kosovo border while simultaneously rejecting any meaningful dialogue. A settlement, Kurti admitted, looks increasingly unlikely. He has remained firm that any dialogue must focus on Kosovo’s sovereignty—a red line for Serbian politicians. The main Serb demand, the creation of an ethnic association of Serb municipalities with executive powers and financial ties to Belgrade, remains a non-starter for Pristina, despite support for the idea from the U.S. and other Western countries. “I want no one to be privileged and therefore no one to be discriminated [against],” Kurti asserted, rejecting the notion of a “super-minority” status for Serbs in Kosovo.
Kurti also warned of potential shifts in U.S.-Kosovo relations, particularly if Donald Trump were to return to the White House. Trump’s administration was notably cordial toward Serbia, and his diplomats were often critical of Pristina. Yet Kurti remains pragmatic, stating that he would work with any U.S. administration. He emphasised the common ground Kosovo shares with potential future U.S. policies, including calls for increased European defence spending.
The overarching theme of Kurti’s interview is one of resistance—to both Serbia’s continued aggression and Western pressure to compromise on Kosovo’s sovereignty. His leadership has drawn a clear line: Kosovo will not back down, and it will not return to a status quo that allowed Serbia to exert influence over its affairs. As Kurti noted, the EU’s new executive offers an opportunity to shift focus toward Serbia’s “aggressive” role in the Balkans, moving away from the recent trend of appeasing Belgrade.
The Banjska attack anniversary highlights the dangerous path the Western Balkans is now on. Serbia’s deepening ties with Russia, its continued provocations in Kosovo, and the West’s failure to respond with firmness have brought the region to the brink of renewed conflict. Appeasing Serbia, Kurti warned, was a catastrophic mistake. The West must recognise that Serbia, not Kosovo, poses the real threat to stability in the Balkans. For as long as Belgrade remains unchecked, peace in the region will remain elusive, and the West’s moral authority will continue to erode.
Vudi Xhymshiti, founder of The Frontliner Magazine, brings a wealth of experience in reporting on global armed conflicts and political issues. With a background in Documentary Photography and Photojournalism from the University of the Arts London, and studies in Political Science, International Relations, and Diplomacy, Vudi skilfully merges human rights insights with dedicated journalism. His ethical and thoughtful reporting has graced top publications like The Guardian and The New York Times. At The Frontliner, launched in 2023, he explores the profound effects of conflicts on law, human rights, and freedoms, continuing his commitment to impactful storytelling.
